Michael Heseltine

British Conservative politician, former Deputy Prime Minister of the United Kingdom

Michael Ray Dibdin Heseltine, Baron Heseltine, CH, PC (/ˈhɛzəltaɪn/; born 21 March 1933) is a British politician. Heseltine served as a Conservative Member of Parliament from 1966 to 2001. He was a prominent figure in the governments of Margaret Thatcher and John Major, and served as Deputy Prime Minister and First Secretary of State under Major.

Michael Heseltine in 2013

Heseltine was created a life peer in 2001 and criticised Brexit and Boris Johnson following the 2016 Brexit referendum result. In 2019, Heseltine had the whip suspended after saying he would vote for the Liberal Democrats, rather than the Conservatives, at the 2019 European Parliament election.

Quotes

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  • I was unwarrantably provoked by the singing of The Red Flag. [...] I thought "here is a neo-Marxist group in the House of Commons." Having cheated over the motion, cheated in the lobbies, I thought that in the circumstances they might as well have the mace as well!
    I rapidly realised this was a reflection on the authority of the Speaker and the House I tried to apologise and will do so unreservedly as soon as I can.
  • I knew that, "He who wields the knife never wears the crown."
  • Polluted rivers, filthy streets, bodies bedded down in doorways are no advertisement for a prosperous or caring society.
    • Speech at the Conservative Party Conference (10 October 1989)
  • If I have to intervene to help British companies... I'll intervene—before breakfast, before lunch, before tea and before dinner. And I'll get up the next morning and I'll start all over again.
    • To the Conservative Part Conference (7 October 1992), of his role as President of the Board of Trade

Quotes about Michael Heseltine

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  • Michael was one of the great, commanding political figures of my time and I always admired and sympathized with him.
    • Ken Clarke, Kind of Blue: A Political Memoir (2016), p. 151
  • I have since come to know Michael Heseltine well, and now count him as a friend. But at this time I found him hard to read. He made no effort to enlist me as an ally even though I knew that we had several points in common. We both held a generous view of the role of the Conservative Party in social matters; neither of us denied the importance of government action in carrying this through. We both believed strongly in Britain's role in the European Union, though Michael carried his enthusiasm for integration faster and further than I did. But our temperaments were different. Michael was a cavalry leader, relying on the excitement of a charge to carry him to success. For example, I was surprised and dismayed by his vehement desire to transform the structures of the Civil Service which had always been part of my working life. Michael relished and I disliked the scent of danger.
  • The issue before Cabinet, Margaret said, was quite simply the restoration of the doctrine of collective Cabinet responsibility (not something of which she was at all times the most devoted adherent herself). To that end Michael would have to be gagged, by the requirement that he could say nothing on the issue without first clearing it with Robert Armstrong, the Cabinet Secretary.
    Michael objected that this was wholly impracticable, and that in any case collective Cabinet responsibility could scarcely apply since she had not permitted a proper collective discussion of the issue. He spoke quietly, and not at all aggressively, and sought to find some compromise arrangement. But Margaret was adamant. She could see that Michael was now isolated in the Cabinet. The general view of the colleagues was that Michael had become obsessed with the issue, and had lost all sense of proportion... She pressed home her advantage; whereupon Michael slammed his Cabinet folder shut, saying "If this is the way this Government is going to be conducted, I no longer wish to be part of it", picked the folder up and strode out of the room. It was the most dramatic moment in any Cabinet I have attended.
    • Nigel Lawson, The View from No. 11: Memoirs of a Tory Radical (1992), p. 678
  • Michael is one of the most talented people in politics. His talents are selective and cultivated to what always seemed to me the point of exaggeration. But anyone who has seen him on television or on a public platform will quickly accept that they are real enough.
    Michael and I are similar in some ways, very different in others. We are ambitious, single-minded and believe in efficiency and results. But whereas with me it is certain political principles that provide a reference point and inner strength, for Michael such things are unnecessary. His own overwhelming belief in himself is sufficient.
  • I decided to give Michael his big chance and put him into Defence. There Michael's strengths and weaknesses were both apparent. He defended our approach to nuclear arms with great panache and inflicted a series of defeats on CND and the Labour Left. He reorganized the MoD, rationalizing its traditional federal structure. Supported by me in the face of departmental obstruction, he brought in Peter Levene to run defence procurement on sound business lines.
    These were real achievements. But Michael's sense of priorities was gravely distorted by his personal ambitions and political obsessions.
  • I said about Andrew Neil that I couldn't understand his position: "He says he is a Thatcherite but in fact Heseltine is a corporate dirigeste – the exact opposite of Thatcherism."
    • Woodrow Wyatt, journal entry (16 November 1990), quoted in Woodrow Wyatt, The Journals of Woodrow Wyatt, Volume Two, ed. Sarah Curtis (1999), p. 390
    • Andrew Neil, the editor of The Sunday Times, supported Heseltine in the first ballot of the 1990 Conservative leadership election
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