Kim Jong-un

3rd Supreme Leader of North Korea

Kim Jong-un (born 8 January between 1982 – 84 or 5 July 1984) is the Chairman of the Workers' Party of Korea (WPK) and supreme leader of North Korea since 2011.

It is the party’s steadfast determination to ensure that the people will never have to tighten their belt again.
The effort to develop the economy and improve the people’s standard of living can be successful only when it is backed by powerful military capabilities, nuclear forces.

QuotesEdit

 
The days are gone forever when our enemies could blackmail us with nuclear bombs.
  • I hear from higher up that China seems to be succeeding on many fronts – engineering, commerce, hotels, agriculture - everything. In many ways, don’t we need to take them as a model example for us?
    • As recounted by household chef Kenji Fujimoto, [1]
  • It is the party’s steadfast determination to ensure that the people will never have to tighten their belt again.
    • April 15th 2012 speech in Kim Il-Sung Square, [2]
  • Yesterday, we were a weak and small country trampled upon by big powers. Today, our geopolitical location remains the same, but we are transformed into a proud political and military power and an independent people that no one can dare provoke. The days are gone forever when our enemies could blackmail us with nuclear bombs.
    • April 15th 2012 speech in Kim Il-Sung Square, [3]
  • The effort to develop the economy and improve the people’s standard of living can be successful only when it is backed by powerful military capabilities, nuclear forces. In the spirit with which we conquered outer space and with the mettle with which we succeeded in the nuclear test of a high level, we must push ahead simultaneously with the campaign to defend the country and the construction of an economic giant, and thus achieve the happiness of the people and the prosperity of the powerful Paektusan nation without fail.
    • Report to the March 2013 Plenary Meeting of the Central Committee of the Workers' Party of Korea, announcing the byungjin (dual advancement) policy line
  • President Donald Trump's remarks which described the U.S. option through straightforward expression of his will have convinced me, rather than frightening or stopping me, that the path I chose is correct and that it is the one I have to follow to the last. [...] Action is the best option in treating the dotard who, hard of hearing, is uttering only what he wants to say. [...] I am now thinking hard about what response he could have expected when he allowed such eccentric words to trip off his tongue. Whatever Trump might have expected, he will face results beyond his expectation. I will surely and definitely tame the mentally deranged U.S. dotard with fire.
  • In no way would the United States dare to ignite a war against me and our country. The whole of its mainland is within the range of our nuclear strike and the nuclear button is on my office desk all the time; the United States needs to be clearly aware that this is not merely a threat but a reality.
    • New Year 2018 address
  • I know the Americans are inherently disposed against us, but when they talk with us, they will see that I am not the kind of person who would shoot nuclear weapons to the south, over the Pacific or at the United States.

Quotes about Kim Jong-unEdit

 
In my time in public service, I never thought I would witness a grown man in the Oval Office fawn over a thuggish autocrat like an adoring teenage fan. Naive doesn't begin to describe it. Not a single member of the administration- not Rex Tillerson, not Jim Mattis, not Dan Coats, not Mike Pompeo, not Nikki Haley, not Mike Pence- would have spoken that way. Had anyone but Trump said something like that, they'd have been laughed out of the White House. It certainly seems they are laughing in North Korea. ~ Anonymous
 
Why would Kim Jong-un insult me by calling me "old," when I would NEVER call him "short and fat?" Oh well, I try so hard to be his friend - and maybe someday that will happen! ~ Donald Trump
  • North Korea is another troubling example, one that may be odder than the president's infatuation with Russia. Trump is fascinated by the country's young dictator, Kim Jong Un. "How many guys- he was like twenty-six or twenty-five when his father died- take over these tough generals, and all of a sudden... he goes in, he takes over, and he's the boss," he said in awe at an event when speaking about Kim's rise. "It's incredible. He wiped out the uncle, he wiped out this one, that one. I mean, this guy doesn't play games." Trump proposed a meeting with the leader during the presidential race, a proposal that was rejected by North Korea as a propaganda ploy. Once in the White House, the president went the other direction. He announced a policy of "maximum pressure" toward the north, punishing the regime for its aggressive behavior. Advisors traveled the world whipping up support for sanctions to further isolate Pyongyang. We were relieved, frankly, because we thought the president was taking a clear-eyed view of the situation, standing up against a horrible government that was not only producing nuclear weapons but starving and torturing its own people. It felt like a righteous cause, and we were proud to be getting tough in a place where other presidents had prostrated themselves. But Trump couldn't hold the line for very long. He wanted badly to make a deal with Kim, whom he called "a pretty smart cookie," though top advisors warned him against it. Many administrations had been trapped in failed negotiations with North Korea, discussions that the regime had exploited to buy time and build weapons. It was a bad idea to fall for it again unless circumstances changed dramatically.
    • Anonymous, A Warning (2019), p. 168-169
  • "Maximum pressure" gave way to warm appeasement. Almost immediately, the president was carried away with the theatrics over the substance. Planning began for a summit in Singapore like it was Trump's quinceañera. It would be a show to remember, proving he was a real grown-up statesman. Someone on cable news suggested Trump might get a Nobel Prize for making peace with Pyongyang, an idea that excited the president. The great dealmaker wanted to make a deal at almost any price, and Kim Jong Un, that smart cookie, knew it. It was unclear to observers precisely how the United States would convince North Korea to give up its nuclear bombs when other administrations failed to do the same. The strategy and details didn't really matter to President Trump, though. He was so confident in his ability to forge a personal connection with Kim that it wasn't really about the details. It was about the chemistry. Unsurprisingly, the Singapore Summit flopped. It didn't produce any meaningful results, and aides felt validated in their view that chemistry was no substitute for hard diplomacy.
    • Anonymous, A Warning (2019), p. 169-170
  • Trump was undeterred. He measured success differently. "I like him, he likes me," he said at a rally a few months after meeting Kim. "I guess that's okay. Am I allowed to say that?" He affectionately described the communications between the two leaders. "We went back and forth, then we fell in love. He wrote me beautiful letters, and they're great letters. We fell in love." In my time in public service, I never thought I would witness a grown man in the Oval Office fawn over a thuggish autocrat like an adoring teenage fan. Naive doesn't begin to describe it. Not a single member of the administration- not Rex Tillerson, not Jim Mattis, not Dan Coats, not Mike Pompeo, not Nikki Haley, not Mike Pence- would have spoken that way. Had anyone but Trump said something like that, they'd have been laughed out of the White House. It certainly seems they are laughing in North Korea. With little progress being made on disarmament talks, our administration put more pressure on Pyongyang. This set the president off. In late 2018, the Treasury Department publicly sanctioned three regime officials for human rights abuses. Trump was furious. "Who did this?" he raged at advisors. "Kim is my friend!"
    • Anonymous, A Warning (2019), p. 170-171
  • As we tried to make sense of Donald Trump's positions or when one of us tried to argue against them, we first had tp ask: Why is the president so attracted to autocrats? After a contentious meeting about the president's engagement with a foreign dictator, a top national security aide offered me his take. "The president sees in these guys what he wishes he had: total power, no term limits, enforced popularity, and the ability to silence critics for good." He was spot on. It was the simplest explanation... He enthused to reporters about Kim Jong Un's ability to control his population: "He's the head of a country, and I mean he's the strong head. Don't let anyone think anything different. He speaks, and his people sit up at attention. I want my people to do the same."
    • Anonymous, A Warning (2019), p. 171
  • I think that Mr Kim Jong Un has obviously won this round. He has completed his strategic task: he has a nuclear weapon, he has missiles of global reach, up to 13,000 km, which can reach almost any point of the globe. He is an absolutely competent and already mature politician.
  • Fred had also primed Donald to be drawn to men such as Cohn, as he would later be drawn to authoritarians such as Vladimir Putin and Kim Jong-un or anyone else, really, with a willingness to flatter and the power to enrich him.
    • Mary L. Trump, Too Much and Never Enough: How My Family Created the World's Most Dangerous Man (2020), p. 101
  • He's the head of a country, and I mean he's the strong head, don't let anyone think anything different. He speaks and his people sit up at attention. I want my people to do the same.
  • After the election, Donald called his big sister, ostensibly to find out how he was doing. Of course, he thought he already knew the answer; otherwise he wouldn't have made the call in the first place. He merely wanted her to confirm very strongly that he was doing a fantastic job. When she said, "Not that good," Donald immediately went on offense. "That's nasty," he said. She could see the sneer on his face. Then, seemingly apropos of nothing, he asked her, "Maryanne, where would you be without me?" It was a smug reference to the fact that Maryanne owed her first federal judgeship to Donald because Roy Cohn had done him (and her) a favor all those years ago. My aunt has always insisted that she earned her position on the bench entirely on her own merits, and she shot back at him, "If you say that one more time, I will level you." But it was an empty threat. Although Maryanne had prided herself on being the only person on the planet Donald ever listened to, those days were long past, which was illustrated not long after, in June 2018. On the eve of Donald's first summit with North Korean dictator Kim Jong-un, Maryanne called the White House and left a message with his secretary: "Tell him his older sister called with a little sisterly advice. Prepare. Learn from those who know what they are doing. Stay away from Dennis Rodman. And leave his Twitter alone." He ignored all of it. The Politico headline the following day read "Trump Says Kim Meeting Will Be About 'Attitude,' Not Prep Work." If Maryanne had ever had any sway over her little brother, it was gone now. Aside from the requisite birthday call, they didn't speak much after that.
    • Mary L. Trump, Too Much And Never Enough: How My Family Created The World's Most Dangerous Man (2020), p. 188-189
  • On September 19, 2017, President Trump gave his first address to the United Nations General Assembly. For the first time, he dubbed the North Korean leader "Rocket Man." He said the United States, if forced to defend itself, "will have no choice but to totally destroy North Korea." Kim fired back three days later. "A frightened dog barks louder," and said Trump is "surely a rogue and a gangster fond of playing with fire. I will surely and definitely tame the mentally deranged U.S. dotard." In a tweet on September 23 Trump called Kim "Little Rocket Man." Trump and Rob Porter were together in the president's front cabin on Air Force One. "Little Rocket Man," Trump said proudly. "I think that may be my best ever, best nickname ever." "It is funny," Porter said, "and it certainly seems to have gotten under Kim's skin." But, he asked, "What's the endgame here? If we continue to amp up the rhetoric and get into a war of words and it escalates, what are you hoping to get out of this? How does this end?" "You can never show weakness," Trump replied. "You've got to project strength. Kim and others need to be convinced that I'm prepared to do anything to back up our interests." "Yes, you want to keep him on his toes," Porter said. "And you want some air of unpredictability from you. And we're not sure, is he even well? Is he all mentally there? He doesn't have the same political constraints that other people do. He seems very much to want to be taken seriously on the international stage." "You've got to show strength," the president repeated. "I wonder," Porter plowed on, "if embarrassing him is more likely to sort of get him into submission or if it could also provoke him?" Trump didn't respond. His body language suggested that he knew Kim was capable of anything. Then he offered his conclusion: It was a contest of wills. "This is all about leader versus leader. Man versus man. Me versus Kim."
    • Bob Woodward, Fear: Trump in the White House (2018), p. 280-281

External linksEdit

Wikipedia has an article about:
Wikimedia Commons has media related to: